Govt 1: The fundamentals of political parties, elections and voting (v1.0)
A key reference is Professor Jennifer Nicoll Victor PhD of George Mason University.
In a democracy, sovereignty springs from the people. It is a form of self-rule. But a hard question is to answer what the people want. There really is no voting mechanism by which we can determine the will of the people. As the number of voters gets larger and as the number of choices increases, a coherent group choice is even more elusive. This creates a huge problem for democracy. If the US had a true democracy or direct democracy, nothing would get done and there would be chaos. Institutions and their rules play a key role in solving this. They also provide stability. The alternative to democracy is dictatorship, authoritarian states, monarchies, theocracies, oligarchies which are all extremely unpleasant including the sacrifice of individual liberties and rampant inequalities. If the people feel the rules and procedures of the institutions (like the legislature) are fair, they will accept it and it would be democratic. If not the stability of the institution suffers. Democracy therefore is not about doing the will of the people but agreeing to a set of rules and procedures and institutions to make decisions for ourselves.
Political parties are much maligned.
This is especially true in today’s hyper-partisan environment. But people often
mistake political parties with political partisanship or polarization. When a
person becomes an ardent supporter of a party it is partisanship. But the
institution of political party help organize democracy. A political party is a
coalition of interests to get its candidates elected and its policies enacted.
A political party is interested in winning elections more than policy outcomes.
That separates it from interest groups, advocates, or political activists. Americas
political institutions were created as though political parties do not exist
(because the founders did not foresee political parties – a big failure of
vision). Therefore, the institutions do not account for the partisanship that
can arise from parties. This can result in major problems. In an environment
like today where parties exist and there is huge polarization, the incentives
of political actors do not often align with the political institutions they
operate in. For candidates, political parties provide a brand to use and some
campaign money. For voters, political parties provide an information signal
about ideas for what a candidate stands for. For politicians, political parties
help them assemble coalitions like in congress.
The defining feature of modern politics is polarization. Polarization is greater support for the extremes in each party more than the moderate in-betweens. It is different than partisanship. Partisanship is support for one political party and disdain for the other. Polarization could be greater distance between the centers of each party. It could be less overlap in the distribution of the parties. It could be greater uniformity within each party. It could be greater proportion of extremists in each party. In the US today we have the first, second and fourth. There is also hyper partisanship. This is seen both in congress and the public. People today often make many decisions based on their party identity. They also often take opposing decisions based on the positions of the out party (called negative partisanship). The combination of partisanship and polarization is self-perpetuating and amplifies and is difficult to get out of (see prospect theory for reason).
Why
is congress so polarized? The republican party has shifted much further to the
right and the democratic party in reaction has moved (but less) to the left. Examining
history, the current trend in polarization began in the 1970’s. So, what
happened since then? There are three driving factors according to political
scientists. The level of polarization in congress is strongly correlated with
income inequality in the population which has increased. A second factor is
racial realignment that first started by John F Kennedy and accelerated by
Nixon. The democrats became liberal on race (and later gender and LGBTQ issues)
and republicans became conservatives. There was less and less overlap. This
leads to gridlock and polarization on this axis. The third factor is campaign
finance laws. There is strong correlation between major changes in campaign
finance laws and deepening polarization. The federal election campaign act and
the creation of the federal election commission were the triggers. Candidates
now get more of their campaign finance from individuals rather than parties. These individuals tend to be more ideological or polarized. My personal
belief is lately, far right republican politicians and far left democratic liberals and
their media aligned outlets and social media enhancers pushed their
polarization further into their constituents. However, the evidence on this is
mixed.
There are many inhibiters to voting. Factors
that influence the likelihood of voting is income (increases), education
(increases), race (whites more than others), gender (women more than men), and
age (older more than younger). Of these, education is the most significant. Another
factor is if they live in a community in which they feel deeply rooted (because
there is a big social aspect to voting). People are more likely to vote if the
election is close. They are also more likely to vote if the process is easy
with fewer restrictions and steps. The primary predictor of how someone will
vote is partisanship. A voter tends to identify with the party that more closely aligns with their ideology. The voting population is more likely to get attention
from political parties, interest groups and candidates.
How the votes are counted matter.
Different counting methods can lead to different outcomes. They are all
democratic. It can be majority wins, ranked choice voting, electoral college,
etc. If most people perceive that the outcomes of the counting approach consistently
yield unexpected or perceived unfair outcomes, then the method would be
challenged and would become unstable. This is currently the case for the
electoral college method for democrats.
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